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There is no évidence of any ceremony marking the three-month stay at Lyon of the king and court in the summer of , which culminated in the gruesome exécution of Montecuculi, the supposed poisoner of the dauphin. However, a clear harbinger of the style of the entries is to be found in the triumphal welcome offered by the city in May to its new archbishop, Ippolito d'Esté, cardinal of Ferrara. Guéraud, La Chronique lyonnaise, éd. Audinienne, , 31 [henceforth cited as Guéraud]; V.

Saulnier, Maurice Scève Paris: Klincksieck, , 1: Rolle, "Bernard Salomon le petit Bernard , peintre et graveur sur bois," Archives de l'art français, Società di storia e d'arte in Villa d'Esté, , Entries to Lyon 5 take formai possession of his new see on the journey from Rome to take up résidence at court: Time did allow the decking of the streets and the making of sumptuous costumes for the city fathers.

The cortège entered the city from the south across the Pont du Rhône, the city fathers dressed in costly "robbes de taffetas cramoisin, saye de velours et pourpoints de satin cramoisy. However, they made their présence felt by entering into a dis- pute over precedence with the clergy, who for fear of physical aristocrat- ie violence were obliged to withdraw from the procession and take ref- uge in the Hôtel-Dieu.

Rubys, Histoire véritable de Lyon Lyon: Nugo, , Further junketings folio wed in the summer of , when the court stayed at the abbaye d'Ainay, where they were royally entertained by the abbot. John the Baptist on 24 June The cortège remained three days in Lyon, during which time a solemn pro- cession was held through the city and a High Mass in Saint-Jean. Société des Biblio- philes Lyonnais, , [henceforth cited as Guigue]. Entries to Lyon 7 been transferred to the seneschal in following incidents of public disorder.

An opportunity for a trial-run for the entry was provided early in when the governor Saint-André ordered the consulat to provide a grand welcome for the ambassadors of the Swiss cantons, who were on their way back from court after acting as godfathers to the king's new daughter. The city fathers went out in procession to greet them, présents were offered and a great banquet was given in their honor, at which the enfants de la ville served and the civic musicians performed.

The Royal Itinerary François I" had made no formai entries since the emperor's progress through France in This cavalcade was to be marked on the part of the crown by a display of sartorial splendor and military might; and on the part of the towns on the route by démonstrations of loyalty and civic pride.

Catalogue des Actes de François F Pzris, , 2: Saulnier, "Gharles-Quint traversant la France: Les Fêtes de la Renaissance Paris: Petitot Paris, , Décrue, Anne, duc de Montmorency [. Early in a program was drawn up for the itinérant court to visit the eastern frontiers of France, Piedmont and Lyon, culminating in an intended inspection of the fleet at Marseille.

Ribier, Lettres et Mémoires d'Estat Paris: Clouzier, , 2: McFarlane [henceforth cited as McFarlane] Binghamton: Center for Médiéval and Early Renaissance Studies, , 15; cf.

Bryant, The King, 31; D. This large number of entries contradicts the view that "une entrée est au XV? Berardier, La prinse d'un fort à l'entrée du roy Henry second de ce nom faicte en la ville de Beaulne Paris, J. André, ; H. Meanwhile the king made a six-week tour, first of Savoy, then of Piedmont, and finally of Dauphiné on the return journey, planning to join up again with the court at Grenoble, before making the solemn entry to Lyon.

Dandino, , 14 Aug. Ercole II d'Esté was in the final stages of negotiating the projected marriage of his daughter Anna with François d'Aumale, planned to take place during the royal visit to Lyon. The French took great trouble to make a fuss over this francophile Italian prince. The duke's brother, Ippolito d'Esté, cardinal of Ferrara, and the duc d'Aumale, the prospec- tive son-in-law, were sent "con bellissima compagnia" to meet Ercole at Villanova d'Asti and to escort him to Moncalieri, just south of Turin, where the constable Montmorency awaited him with infantry.

After "un disnar sontuosissimo" the company traveled the three miles to the gâtes of Turin, where the king met the duke with an impressive array of cavalry and infantry, "gente bellissima et ben in ordine. Miolo, Cronaca, in Miscellanea di Storia italiana fTurin, , 1: Préparations for the Entry There is abundant documentation in the Lyon municipal archives of the préparations for this entry.

But they also testify to a period of vigorous and créative activity which put together a highly innovative royal entry, and one which set the style for the rest of the reign. In May , soon after the coronation of Henri II, the consulat of Lyon had sent an embassy to swear loyalty and to seek confirmation of the city's privilèges. Advance notice was first given early in May , when the king's visit to Piedmont was planned, and the consulat was instructed by both the cardinal of Ferrara and the governor of Lyon, Jean de Saint-André, to make préparations for an entry in about six weeks time as well as for the marriages of the duc de Ven- dôme and the duc d'Aumale.

Rouillé, , fol. A2v [henceforth cited as Magnificence]; CAH, 2: However, the municipal coffers were empty: However no détails were yet given of the écha- fauds and ystoires, of the costumes and actors, which were to punctuate the royal progress; and at this stage the only rôle attributed to the local humanists, Maurice Scève, Guillaume du Choul, and Barthélémy Aneau, was to lend advice on the design and inscription of the gifts to be offered to the king and queen.

Baudrier, Bibliographie lyonnaise Lyon: Brun, , 9: A comparison of this program with the final livret '2 Lyon, arch. Préparations for the Entry 17 makes clear that, in the month since the entry had been announced, the organizers had come up with most of the key éléments of the final design, and that they had now conceived a highly original décor which owed little to traditional Lyonnais, or indeed French, models.

From the middle of June until mid-September work went on on thèse échafauds every day including Sundays, and as time went on, by night as well as day, by the light of torches. An army of artists and craftsmen was recruited with their headquarters at the refectory and cloisters of the Augustinians' convent: Nonplussed, the consulat sent an embassy asking for a fixed date, bearing in mind the fragility of some of the décorations, and they were eventually given first the 19, then the 23 September, as the définitive date?

Maurice Scève and Claude Taillemont. Aneau, Du Choul and perhaps Taillemont, although there is no archivai confirmation of the latter's rôle. Aneau and Du Choul were consulted on inscriptions, and it will become apparent that Du Choul contributed to other aspects. Scève was, however, the principal coordinator, having been given by the consulat "la peyne de la conduicte de l'entrée du roy Henry deuxiesme," and having been engaged, in return for a fee of fifty livres, to faire dresser les ystoires, composer les factures et inventions, aussi à faire besogner les painctres.

Préparations for the Entry 19 ystoires, and in the supervision of artists and craftsmen, Scève is only infrequently mentioned in the archives and we often hâve to fall back on surmise: The division of respon- sibility between Scève and Salomon is not totally clear; however, we hâve précédents of the collaboration of humanist and artist on similar projects: Vauzelles and Salvatori in , Scève, Meslier, and del Bene in Salomon began by making drawings of the proposed monuments and of the costumes, and then worked six or seven days a week for three months to ensure their completion on time.

No doubt his drawings pro- vided the basis for the engravings which were to adorn the final album. The two sculpted gifts for which Scève and his colleagues had provided the inscriptions were completed by the end of August, and they conformed closely to the original design. The notion of a naumachia seems to dérive from the tradi- tional Lyonnais mid-summer festival, the Fête des Merveilles, which, until its abolition in , had taken place each 24 June. Paradin, Mémoires de l'histoire de Lyon Lyon, A.

Gryphius, , [hence- forth cited as Paradin]; Bibliothèque municipale, Lyon: Bibliothèque Municipale, , ; Brooke, Thèse include 60 galliotz or mathellotz, who were employed for the full week of the entry; 10 maryniers who were just paid for the naval battle; and 14 patrons.

Their uniforms were soon changed to red and blue: The workmen had to be bribed throughout with wine to work harder, and towards the end the team was working night and day and weekends to complète the job, and a new batch of craftsmen were added, the caulkers.

The accounts show regular deliveries of cords, awnings, pitch, canvas, shields, gun- powder, oars, and even lead counterweights for the oars. The only craft mentioned in the municipal accounts are the two large galleys, to which Scève in his livret was later to dedicate two enthusiastic pages and two wood- cuts.

Délie frégate vi n'erano due verdi e bianchi per la Regina et le sue dame; due cremesine per Madama Margherrita; et due verdi schiette per il cardinale di Ferrara. Ail this lavish expenditure by the city fathers does not give a com- plète picture of what was arranged for the king by way of aquatic enter- tainments: Havea dimandato certi calafà al priore di Capua per voler far' una fisolera, et ei non glie li volse dare; et la fece far' lui et la adornerà et la présentera a Sua Maestà.

De lî a pochi giorni che S. The two gondole, for instance, are described by Scève: Similarly, what Alavarotto and Scève describe as a brigantine was clearly something much smaller than the two-masted galleon conven- tionally understood by this term; Scève spécifies that it was decorated in crimson and gold, and that the crew wore red.

In addition to thèse five vessels, the centerpiece of Ippolito's recon- struction in France of the Venetian regatta was a small-scale bucentaur which he apparently had built specially. What was required was no less than a small floating banquet hall and ballroom, and the builders obliged with a rectangular classical pavillon, set upon a galliass with no means of propulsion which had to be towed.

In the poop was a raised covered dais, painted in the royal colors, from which the king could watch both the river spectacle and the dancers in the pavillon. The gilt figurehead portrayed a giant holding a red rope between his teeth by which the bucentaur was puUed along by another vessel.

But the original feature of the vessel was the tall central pavillon topped by a balustraded platform which echoed the bal- ustrade enclosing the spacious deck below.

The dimensions of this room, The balus- trade rested on an entablature embellished with eponymous lions' heads, supported on doric pilasters, the walls pierced by doors at each end and by Windows along the side with alternating segmentai and triangular pediments. Apart from the king's dais, the bucentaur was painted bright red with the décorative features such as capitals, doors, window-frames, lions' heads, fleurs de lys, ail picked out in gold.

We can therefore see that although the naval entertainment was a tradition in Lyon which the consulat did its best to maintain, nonetheless, most of the enterprise and the expenditure seems to hâve corne from Ippolito d'Esté, the moving spirit behind this aspect of the royal visit: Another feature associated with the river, and reminiscent of the jubilee of , was the need for an additional crossing of the Saône.

The contract for the building of the wooden bridge was awarded to Pierre Frerejehan, "marchand et garde des ports": The last élément in the program to be finalized was the one which was to open the entry, the grand procession.

This was the most difficult to organize, since it involved the vanities of individuals, and it was also the aspect which departed least from traditional models.

To make sure that the parade went smoothly and without disorder, the city enlisted the assistance of Saint-André. As in earlier entries, they were marshalled by trades and quartiersP but to give the parade a more military flavor they were to be equipped with pikes, which were borrowed from the garrison of La Rigaudière with permis- sion of M. The influence of Du Choul is again in évidence hère: Dobbins, Music in Renaissance Lyons Oxford: Clarendon Press, , Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Ltd.

The archives list thèse groups: Akin to the dispute between the clergy and the enfants de la ville, another dispute over prec- edence broke out in between two of the foreign colonies, the Genoese and the Florentines, the Genoese insisting on having the place of honor in the procession and refusing to allow the Florentines to pay homage to the king before them.

A simi- lar squabble was to occur between thèse colonies before Philip 's entry to Antwerp. A major problem facing the organizers was the question of lodgings for the king and court, and royal quartermasters were sent on ahead to réquisition accommodation, The king and queen were to be lodged in the Archevêché, which Ippolito d'Esté ceded to them for the duration, reserving for himself an apartment there with plenty of room for ban- quets.

However, the quartermasters confiscated this apartment and allo- cated it to Marguerite de Navarre, consigning the cardinal to "cosî pic- ciolo et stretto alloggiamento che non vi si potea muover' dentro. Rouillé, , fols. It was a full year after the entry before the accounts were closed and the loss written off. This cardinal had a particular penchant for masquerades, banquets, and jousts, and in the French court he found a ready public.

See also the estimate of Saulnier, 1: We hâve already seen that much of the cost of the naval spectacle was born by Ippolito d'Esté.

As archbishop of Lyon, the cost fell upon him of transforming and adorning the Archevêché, and notably that of decorating the main réception and banqueting room, where he had the walls hung with rich tapestries and the ceiling painted with royal arms and devises.

He does, however, make much of the victory column in the square outside the archbishop's palace, without mentioning the fact that this too was an initiative due to Ippolito d'Esté, as the Mantuan ambassador con- firms. The livret does, however, pay tribute to the cardinal's lavish transformation of his gardens at Rontalon, in a style which préfig- ures his later celebrated work on the gardens of Tivoli: It was hère on the Wednesday that he was to give yet another banquet and ball.

One pièce of évidence points to the hand of Ippolito d'Esté in this major élément of the royal visit to Lyon, al- though he is not mentioned in this context in the livret.

The Salle Saint- Jean was situated next to the cathedral and was part of the archbishop's palace; only he would be able to authorize this transformation, about which the city's accounts are furthermore silent. The respective rôles of Ippolito and of the Florentine colony in fitting out the théâtre and in arranging the performance of La Calandra are discussed later.

While the king waited at La Côte-Saint-André, Ippolito hurried on ahead to Lyon to supervise last-minute préparations: Et poi dovendo egli [d'Urfé] partir subito fatta l'entrata di sua Maestà, et facendola ella domani, v. The only contemporary estimate of the overall cost of the royal visit is given by the Ferrarese ambassador: Bryant, The King, The Parade Sunday, 23 September Despite bad weather earlier in the month, the Lyonnais were blessed with a fine cloudless day for the king's entry on Sunday 23 September.

The munici- pality was closely following hère the pattern of the entry, for which queen Eléonore had taken up position in a loggia at Vaise to watch the procession.

After the governor of Lyon, Jean de Saint-André, and some of the Lyonnais nobility had paid homage, as their predecessors had in , it was the unexpected turn of the Genoese, who had withdrawn from the procession itself because of their quarrel with the Florentines. At noon the Lyonnais clergy arrived in rich vestments on muleback, and having deposited their banners at the couvent de l'Observance, they '" Alvarotto, busta 25, fol.

Et de la Royne Catherine son espouse Paris: A2v [henceforth cited as Le grand triumphe]; Conegrani, fol. The Mouton was the principal inn in Vaise and can be seen in a map in Guillemain, "Histoire de la commune de Vaise, faubourg de Lyon," Albums du Crocodile, Contrary to tradition, the religious élément was to be almost entirely absent from this entry: They were not the only conspicuous absentées, since, surprisingly, the large diplomatie corps following the court were also excluded from the entry, not having been invited.

The Parade 33 Estimâtes of the size of contingents differ widely. And so it goes on: Scève gives cartiers as against in Le grand tri- umphe; tailors as against ; goldsmiths as against 86; tissotiers as against a combined strength of veloutiers and tissotiers; carpenters as against ; saddlers compared with 80; cobblers against ; épingliers against ; hatters compared with 90; casters as against ; from the quartier of Saint- Vin- cent rather than ; furriers as against ; and printers com- pared with In only one case, the weavers, are the numbers given fairly close to ; and in only two cases does Le grand triumphe give a larger size for a contingent than Scève: Only in the cases of the harquebusiers and the butchers do we hâve the third estimate of Conegrani, and his figures agrée with the Le grand triumphe: The witnesses of the entry lay repeated stress on the large numbers and the discipline; but their chief interest is in the costumes — whether the colors, the material, or the embellishments— and in the arms and armour.

Virtually ail contingents sported the king's colors, black and white, in varions materials, velvet, satin, taffetas or silk; some flaunted variants such as silver or grey to replace white, and many enhanced the Common to most of the four lists we hâve: From this uniformity of color only the butchers stand out with their crimson strip. As to the cap- tains, ensigns, and lieutenants of each troop, they wore the same colors as their followers, but in more costly materials and with more elaborate décoration and embroidery.

Conegrani describes the goldsmiths and the printers as having the finest costumes, as was only appropriate to their professions which were, in his view, far removed from the other eight- een plebeian trades.

If the parade of the confréries was a traditional élément, that of the foreign merchants was no more innovative, and had figured in the entries, although in a différent position, namely between the enfants de la ville on foot and those on horseback. In the order of thèse mer- chants had been first the Luccans, then the Florentines, then the Ger- mans, with no place for either the Genoese or the Milanese; but the same order was maintained in for the other three nations.

As in the case of the confréries, the organizers had tried to make the foreign con- tingents conform to the pattern of the whole parade. Thus to match the earlier ranks of three captains, each nation was preceded by three notables, a consul and two counsellors: YAtindiusz, Histoire de Lyon Lyon: Masson, , 1: The Parade 35 homage and undying dévotion in return for continuing protection of their interests.

As in , the Luccans were preceded by four mounted pageboys, who showed off their skills at bareback acrobatie horsemanship; but this time they and their horses were dressed in the king's colors and in cos- tume evoking ancient Roman cavalry although the Mantuan ambas- sador thought the style Moorish.

In Scève's livret and in Conegrani's dispatch this antiquarian dress is described in admiring détail: Droz, , xvii, 5. As with the Luccans they were preceded by mounted pages, six in ail, four of them merely children, but ail dressed in the king's colors in embroidered tunics in cloth of silver with wide embroidered sleeves which attracted notice, as did their white hats and boots and the striking caparison of their horses.

Their contingent was completed in style by the consul and two counsellors, arrayed in the same colors but enhanced with cloth of gold. Scève passes very cursorily over the company of German mer- chants: A4v, says they wore the king's livery. Eight lackeys in black and white satin and silk led in the consul, his two counsellors, and the Genoese notables in pairs, ail dressed in cloth of silver and in black satin and velvet with gold buttons on the sleeves, and with ranks of further lackeys between each row of notables.

For the queen they were even more splendid, adding scarlet cloth of gold and velvet to their ensembles, and fitting their lackeys out in the régulation white and green. The propagan- da success of their efforts occupies many column inches in the reports of the entry, and in his livret Scève betrays his own préférences by devot- ing more space to the two Francophile contingents, the Luccans and the Florentine exiles.

In the officers of justice and of the sénéchaussée, together with the members of the parlement of the Dombes, had come earlier in the parade, between the clergy and the confréries; in they followed the nations and preceded the représentatives of the Lyonnais families.

Notable among them were the twenty-five sergeants who kept order in the name of the cardinal archbishop, sporting his colors of red, white, and black and his impresa, and behind them some thirty royal offi- cers. A4v; Alvarono, busta 25, fol. This livery, and in particular that of the captain of the footsoldiers, Claude Raveyrie, seems to hâve held a particular fascination both for the Mantuan ambassador and for Scève, who dévotes more than three pages to describing the costumes, accom- panying his description with the first engraving in his livret, that of the captain.

While the latter's colors conformed broadly to those of the van- guard ahead and of the main troop behind him, the eut of his own cos- tume was slightly différent, notably in the sleeves, and much more ornate, being covered with embroidery, pearls, gold stars and silver cres- cents.

Some observers put the numbers lower, at 80 in the vanguard and 80 others: Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Le grand triumphe, fol. B; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. The Parade 39 the king's colors. But the intention to remind the king of Lyon's history as a Roman colony cannot be doubt- ed, as later inscriptions were to confirm. Hère we come across an enigma: The enigmatic élément lies in the fact that no other witness makes any mention of this interlude, let alone of its success.

And yet we hâve aiready seen that the consulat had hired a dozen swordsmen, at the sug- gestion of Scève himself; one wonders whether Scève has exaggerated the success of an élément which only one other contemporary source, Sauvage, sees fit to mention.

The red and white teams, of six swordsmen each, took part in a suc- cession of duels using modem weapons, but with the intention of imitat- ing classical gladiatorial techniques. The novelty consisted in matching différent weapons, pike against two-handed sword, or sword and dagger against sword and buckler; or in having duels of two against two, three against three, or even six against six in gênerai mêlée. Weapons were broken in the fierce ardor of combat, and the spectacle so pleased the king that he asked for it to be repeated later in the week.

It has been argued persuasively that what was performed hère was an attempted reconstruction of the classical pyrrhic dance described by authorities such as Plato, Lucian, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. C2; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Lalanne Paris, , 3: McGowan, "A Renaissance war dance: The second is the fact that one of the organizers, Du Choul, when writing about the pyrrhic in a passage on Augustus' funeral, described the dance not as a gladiatorial exercise, but as a horse-ballet.

Semblablement les coches couroyent alentour, gardants un mesme ordre, dessus lesquelles estoyent montez les cochiers et gouverneurs de ces chars, accoustrez et vestus de pourpre, comme veloux cramoisy, portants masques sur le visaige, qui retiroyeni aux Capitaines et Ducs Romains, des Princes et des Empereurs du temps passé, qui suyvoyent l'ordonnance des autres. B; Alvarotto, busta 25, fols. C4v-D; Le grand triumphe, fol.

L'entrée de la Royne, cit. The Parade 41 and valets on foot, some attachée! D2r-v; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. For the rest of the pro- cession he was to ride under this canopy flanked by eight squires dressed in white. D2v; Le grand triumphe, fol. Bv; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Alvarotto mixes up Boisy with Saint-André as to which one was representing Montmorency. F; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol.

Henri's final arrivai at the embarcadère behind the cathedral marked the terminus of the triumphal entry and the close of the day's public entertain- ment, since night had fallen.

He was able to see from the port the flotilla of ships which had foUowed him along the Saône right from Vaise to the cathedral; he was also able to look across to La Rigaudière, the arsenal on the opposite bank from which a salvo had been fired when he arrived at the cathedral. The evening was now completed with a dinner in the archbish- op's palace, after which the ladies of Lyon, so admired by the courtiers according to Brantôme, were invited to a reception.

Architecture and Iconography The visual thème of this entry was the re-creation of a Roman town- scape such as might hâve been seen in Lugdunum. With the aid of some judicious démolition work, the planners were able to clear sites in which to create in little more than a hundred days an antiquarian setting appro- priate for Henri's triumphal progress: On the canopy see Bryant, The King, , Joukovsky, "Lyon ville imaginaire," in A.

Edizioni dell'Ateneo, , 1: Sharratt, "The imaginary city of Bernard Salomon," in P. Intellectual life in Renaissance Lyon Cambridge: Cambridge French CoUoquia, , Architecture and Iconography 45 i. The obelisk The opening section of the triumphal procession led through open fields from Vaise, past the couvent de l'Observance, along the river to the castle of Pierre-Scize, which stood on a hill overlooking the Saône. As the king set off in this direction, a flotilla of ships also moved off along the Saône, keeping pace with the royal party as it moved though the city, and joining up with the procession at the three ports along the route.

A variant on the Vatican model was introduced by replacing the sphère on the summit with the royal crescent. The lower part of the shaft was painted with varions Henrican devices: Unlike the later Parisian obelisk and the earlier one, which were more closely modeled on the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, no attempt was made hère to portray hieroglyphs or anything with an Egyptian flavor: On two sides of the obelisk, not illustrated in the woodcut, there were compartments surrounded by gro- tesques, and portraying Victories, with the usual attributes of festoons and palm branches.

Beneath them were figures of what Scève describes as Dis- cords or Furies, with butterfly wings pattemed with eyes, and who were ' Lyon, arch. The obelisk and portai were being erected in early September, ibid. There is also a woodcut of various obelisks in S. Marcolini, , Ixvii. The obeHsk was supported by four Hons resting on a pedestal twelve feet high: Arch at Pierre-Scize At the foot of the hill stood the gâte of Pierre-Scize, which the planners had decorated as the first triumphal arch of the Entry, in ému- lation of the arches in the earHer and entries to Lyon.

This arch attachedto the porte de Pierre-Scize differs from later ones in having pairs of twisted columns made of wood, according to Conegrani, and painted with foliage. Conegrani describes them as a woman with a lion repre- senting Lyon welcoming a woman wearing the king's crescent symbol representing either the king or his mistress. Droz, , col. Manutius, , fol. Kerver, , fol. McFarlane, Cambridge , But the picture does not show the inscriptions which we know completed the décoration.

Arch at Bourgneuf A short distance along the riverside from Pierre-Scize, the procession reached the city walls and the first city gâte, the fausse-porte de Bour- gneuf, situated between the hill and the Saône.

The thème of ruined anti- '' See below, Inscriptions. I cannot trace any relief or inscription: Holford-Strevens, Aulus Gellius London: Duckworth, , n.

This wall was decorated to look Hke the Gallo-roman circuit walls in France, which had been hastily built in the third century out of the ruins of the suburbs under threat of barbarian invasion: In this médiéval fausse-porte had been decorated as a triumphal arch dedicated to Fides ândAmor, before which a long mystère had been enacted; in the gâte was again decorated, this time with three fig- ures. The only part to be made out in Salomon's engraving is Jean Per- réal and Nicolas Leclerc's earlier royal coat of arms, supported by a lion and flanked by richly dressed angels holding an inscription.

Instead, however, of decorating the gâte itself as a triumphal arch, the planners decided to build a huge arch up against it, similar in style to the portail of Pierre-Scize but much more magnificent, with pairs of fluted Corinthian columns divided by niches containing statues, the whole topped by an inscription flanked by two more niches and a pedi- ment covering the whole width of the arch.

B3 and by Conegrani who says 20 braccia - 13 meters. B3, thought it was Pallas and that the shield bore the head of Médusa; cf. Du Choul, Religion, ; Tervarent, col. The design seems to dérive from one of the columns in Rome, of which Du Choul had provided a reconstruction similarly topped by a stat- ue. The tall pedestal, made of wood painted to look like white marble decorated in gold— or according to Conegrani in black and white— is shown in the engraving to hâve a deep entablature and base, and to bear an inscription.

On each side of its base were set winged statues, one of Time and one of Famé, both possibly inspired by Petrarch's Trionfi. B3v; but Conegrani, fol. Scève translates ail this as signifying that immortality could be achieved either by arms or by letters. Double arch of Saint-Paul The next sites, the ports of Saint-Paul and Saint-Éloy, had been chosen because each square opened on to the river, upon which the king could see the flotilla keeping abreast of his progress.

Although Scève describes it as a double triumphal arch, it is more properly a grotto or even a monumental fountain, made up of a double lonic arch containing the statues of the city's.

A fountain flowing wine was not an uncommon feature in entries and had been used in , but it is hère incorporated into a gilded wooden construction of classical inspiration, made up of two coffered arches between three fluted lonic pilasters. B4v, and by Conegrani, fols.

Alciati, Emblematum libellus Paris: Wechel, , no. Joukovsky, "Lyon ville imaginaire," 1: Each arch was transformed into a grotto by the placement of trees and rocks, out of which came artificial birdsong, and against which leaned two half-naked reclining stucco figures, larger than life-size: Thus we hâve hère a neo-classical fantasy transposed into a small médiéval square. The influence of Du Choul can again be identified in the design, since he had been inter- ested in the Roman Templum Honoris et Virtutis and was to publish a section in on its portrayal in coins , notably on the coupling in the same shrine of thèse two qualities: This double-fronted arch, built of wood and canvas, was sixty " Conegrani, fol.

Garnier frères, , Sharratt, "The imaginary city. Although the monument passes for being a classical triumphal arch, there is no obvious model for a building with a platform and gazebo superimposed upon an arch, and its architectural inspiration is more akin to Renaissance attempts to reconstruct from coins the mausoleum of Hadrian: By con- trast, Salomon illustrâtes between the pairs of herms a panel decorated with classical weapons, which the other sources do not mention.

Their heads supported an entablature bearing an inscription, upon which rested the pediment containing three figures: Alciati, Livret des emblèmes Paris: Roville, , The square rusticated platform raised above the arch was embelHshed with a frieze: However, in his livret Scève tries to Hnk the frieze more closely to the dedication of the temple, and sees the northern façade as representing the triumph of Honor, and the south side the triumph of Virtue.

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Porno maman francaise escort annonce lyon The simple explanation may be that Cosimo was sexe lesbienne francaise trans ttbm ally of the emperor, and that on impérial territo- ry the Florentines, although they included imny fuorusciti, felt it appro- priate to praise him; on French territory, and at a period of intense rivalry between Charles V and Henri II, who in this entry is repeatedly promised succession to the empire, such praise of a créature of the emperor would sound a false note. Inscriptions 63 erary, epigraphic, and numismatic vierge porno dominatrice nantes they drew this material, and how it underscores the message of the monuments, ail of which were embellished with inscriptions. Kerver,fol. The first one, Lorenzo de' Medicialthough no great warrior, no doubt earned his place as the father of Catherine de' Medici and as a Medici who had married into a French family. Guéraud, La Chronique lyonnaise, éd.
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Porno maman francaise escort annonce lyon In the officers of justice and of the sénéchaussée, together with the members of the parlement of the Dombes, had come earlier in the parade, between the clergy and the confréries; in they followed the nations and preceded the représentatives of the Lyonnais families. Mon petit sexe - Je Montre Ma Bite: The performance was concluded with a post- lude and with a song in praise of Love acompanied by viols. Much of the content was still religious and allegorical, but we note the inclusion of some classical material, including four short Latin inscrip- tions, and also an allied interest in the monumental, with the royal route lined at one point by eight columns. Plan cul avec un minet au sex shop gay. Elle aime échanger des orgasmes avec ses parents pour être complet il aurait fallut que je demande au père de me ma mettre au cul, ce n'est pas bien le peignoir a glissé sur. Je vous des films porno escort chateauroux dit, Petit cul de 25 ans, black et musclé attend impatiemment une grosse bite pour venir lui dilater la rondelle.
L'âge n'est pas la structure et la vitesse date aveugle de la russie et grosse couilles plan cul se soir villeveyrac porno femme mature cul secretaire sormiou commencer à les matches de grêles, en norvégien, cheeky, les gens pensaient tout. Aneau and Du Choul were consulted on inscriptions, and it will become apparent that Du Choul contributed to other aspects. Meanwhile the king made a six-week tour, first of Savoy, then of Piedmont, porno maman francaise escort annonce lyon, and finally of Dauphiné on the return journey, planning to join up again with the court at Grenoble, before making the solemn entry to Lyon. Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae selectae Berlinor repr. The respective rôles of Ippolito and of the Florentine colony in fitting out the théâtre and in arranging the performance of La Calandra are discussed later. The red and white teams, sex video france trans a paris six swordsmen each, took part in a suc- cession of duels using modem weapons, but with the intention of imitat- ing classical gladiatorial techniques. porno maman francaise escort annonce lyon

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This undermines the otherwise tidy hypothesis that Ippolito might hâve met the costs of the théâtre while the Florentines paid for the play. The dimensions of this room, A2v [henceforth cited as Le grand triumphe]; Conegrani, fol. Moi c'est fetishpassion, je suis Un homme de 33 ans et je cherche un plan cul gay avec un homme entre 18 et 30 ans. The décor can be exam- ined hère progressively, considering in turn the architecture, sculpture, stage, lighting, and the seating.

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